Source: Quote: Howard Thurman
Wonderful reminder of a great man who overcame great odds and left an equally impressive legacy.
You can find out more about Howard Thurman on the link above. Enjoy.
Source: Quote: Howard Thurman
Wonderful reminder of a great man who overcame great odds and left an equally impressive legacy.
You can find out more about Howard Thurman on the link above. Enjoy.
In the early hours of the 18th of August 1977, about an hour away from King William’s Town, on the Grahamstown – King William’s Town Road, Peter Jones and Steve Biko ran into a roadblock. They were both driven to the police station. They would both face torture, brutal interrogation and serve time. Biko never walked out alive again.
The arrest of Steve Bantu Biko was a turning point in his life: it marked the beginning of the end of his life and the martyrdom of his political legacy.
In a cruel twist of fate, his arrest fulfilled the prophecy and words he said in an interview conducted by an American businessman months before his death.
The extract, On Death, is ironically the last chapter in his collection of articles – I Write What I Like, was published in The New Republic on the 07th of January 1978.
Biko said then: “You are either alive and proud or you are dead, and when you are dead, you can’t care anyway. And your method of death can itself be a politicizing thing…
“So if you can overcome the personal fear for death, which is a highly irrational thing, you know, then you’re on your way,” he continued.
His words underpin the courage required to carry out the revolutionary work he was carrying out at the time. The reason he was driving around at that time of the day equally required a similar amount of courage and lack of fear.
Biko prophetically highlighted the interconnectedness between tragedy and its possibilities within the South African political context.
His words not only referred to his own death, but to the death of many young students during the protests against apartheid education in June 1976, and the death of numerous colleagues of his in the Black Consciousness Movement such as his close friend and confidante Mapetla Mohapi.
This lack of fear of death would ultimately lead to his own murder by the security police, unleashing the political and social capital tragedy bestows on political and social movements.
At the time, Biko was serving a ban in King William’s Town and he had restrictions to adhere to.
The conditions of the ban meant he could not speak to more than one person at a time. He could not be quoted.
He was banned from publishing any writing material. He was closely monitored by the Security Police. He could also not leave King William’s Town without special permission.
When he was arrested, he was in breach of the latter. However, they had to be breached because if he didn’t, the system would have won, and that was the very reason the ban was placed on Biko to frustrate him and his work. Therefore, Biko was taking a huge gamble.
It is worth reminding ourselves why he took such a huge gamble. The arrest of Steve Biko is often overlooked.
Hence its significance is hugely glossed over and is often treated as mere footnotes to a much larger narrative.
There are different accounts that explain how Biko got arrested. Some claim, there were spies within the movement that sold him out.
Others claim the roadblock was routine, and others that the policemen were on the lookout for external agitators stoking the ire of the continuing student and youth boycotts in Port Elizabeth.
Those closest to him claimed there were rumours going around that the Boers were planning to assassinate Biko.
His older brother and others urged him to leave and go into exile but Biko refused to leave his movement behind.
His older brother Kaya Biko who got Steve involved with politics admits, “Rumours were doing the rounds in town that the Boers were intent on assassinating Steve”.
“I approached Steve together with my brother-in-law to ask him to leave the country. The man said to us, ‘What kind of a captain will I be if I leave the ship I’m steering, while I see there are faults and it’s going to sink? I’m not leaving the country’.
“There was nothing we could do. That was Steve.”
Whatever the truth is, we will never really know. Speculation is not the objective of this article. There is little doubt that there were some in the Afrikaner Broderbond that wanted Biko dead. He was growing too powerful and the ban on him was not working.
The events of June 1976 and the trial of the Black Consciousness Movement also known as the SASO/ BPC Trial [May 1976] had only added to Biko’s stature: they had unwittingly offered him the stage to project his ideas across the country and internationally, cementing his place as the head of the liberation movement in the absence of the leaders on Robben Island and others under house arrest.
It is important to understand what happened before Biko and Jones were arrested to clarify why they were on the road at such an early hour and contextualise the arrest and significance of their journey.
Biko traveled the country extensively from time to time, despite his ban, travelling far afield as Cape Town and Durban, and more than once to Johannesburg.
He was forced to travel to Cape Town this time to meet guys from the Western Cape chapter of the Black Consciousness Movement.
There was a rebellion brewing with hardliners criticising his decision to meet American Senator Dick Clark in December 1976.
Clark was in the region, Lesotho to be specific, to attend a meeting of the African Institute. He thought it was important to consult with Biko as an “elder statesmen” of the movement though he was still in his twenties.
The event itself was not unusual. Biko was consulted on a regular basis by representatives of countries far and wide because he was recognised as the leader of the liberation movement in the absence of Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe and other senior members of the ANC or PAC who were serving time on Robben Island and were disconnected from politics and current affairs.
However, the militants were not satisfied. They argued that they had on matters of principle refused to meet members of the American government which they viewed as part of the oppressor camp.
They had even gone as far as rejecting a request from US Ambassador to the United Nations Andrew Young.
When the request was initiated, Biko had just been released from prison and had served a 101 day stretch. He consulted with his comrades who were still in prison.
The memorandum was smuggled in and out of prison by a warder who lived in Ginsberg. This memorandum was presented to Clark and was published in I Write What I Like. It appears under the heading American Policy towards Azania.
Biko was scathing in his criticism of the role of the United States in supporting the apartheid regime. He accused it of collusion in the oppression and exploitation of black people, and even went as far as encouraging it to boycott trading links with South Africa and reexamine its foreign policy.
There was also an additional problem. The hardliners in the Western Cape were not happy with the position papers the BCM had developed as proposals for the African National Congress [ANC] and Pan African Congress [PAC]. They did not think the proposals were radical enough.
They strongly opposed the concept of black communalism as the basis for future economic policy. They were pushing for a socialist/ communist vision for the country.
It is appropriate to clarify at this point that Biko was involved in clandestine negotiations with both the ANC and PAC to bring them together with the BCM and other black political movements to form a united front against apartheid.
The only parties who were not invited were the Bantustan leaders who were seen as sellouts and were complicit in the oppression and exploitation of black people because they had embraced the concept of separate development; therefore, facilitating a fragmentation of the resistance.
You can read more about why he regarded the Bantustan leaders as sellouts in his essay Let’s talk about Bantustans in I Write What I Like.
In this same book, Biko clarified his hopes about the unity of the liberation movement:
“I would like to see groups such as the ANC, PAC and Black Consciousness deciding to form one liberation group. It is only, I think, when black people are so dedicated and so united in their cause that we can affect the greatest results.”
This is why these papers were so important and needed to be sorted out but the chapter in the Western Cape were complicating matters, adding to what was already a complicated process, using intermediaries to negotiate with members like Oliver Tambo who was in exile, and Sobukwe who was on the periphery of the PAC and also politically restricted but still yielding a lot of influence.
The process was made even harder after Biko’s intermediary with Sobukwe – Mapetla Mohapi -was murdered by the Security Police in prison.
Biko was also in pursuit of unity talks with the Unity Movement in Cape Town. He wanted to meet with Alexander Neville who was the leading figure of the movement.
Alexander had just returned from Robben Island after serving a ten year stint in prison. He had set up a study group at his home which included members of his own movement and the BCM.
However, he was unhappy because his movement was unable to strike rapport with the Black community. Therefore, he requested his colleague, Nicki Westcott, who had strong connections with the Black Consciousness Movement in Cape Town to facilitate connections.
The two movements set out to forge an alliance through joint action. They had even gone as far as creating joint committees of the BCM, Unity Movement and the ANC to carry out collaborative projects such as the nationwide protest against the granting of independence to the Transkei on 26 October 1976.
ANC members such as Winnie Mandela and Joe Gqabi were involved in the collaboration.
The chapter in the Western Cape felt that the King William’s group had centralised the movement around its resources.
They believed the guys in King William’s Town were better paid because they were right at the heart of the funding.
It was against this backdrop that Biko was forced to travel to Cape Town to address these problems.
He didn’t believe he could address these concerns without physically meeting the Western Cape chapter even if that meant he had to violate his banning order.
The well being of the movement meant more to him than his physical safety because it threatened to curtail the struggle and to Biko that was unthinkable.
Biko as he often reiterated, “It is better to die for an idea that will live, than live for an idea that will die”.
The quote above encapsulates what the movement and struggle meant to Biko. He was prepared to die for it and sacrifice his life. Therefore, there was a lot at stake in this journey.
It was not a reckless game of cat and mouse that he was playing with the system. It was about taking the movement and struggle forwards and securing, ultimately, the liberation of Black people.
Before departing for Cape Town, Biko and Jones met with colleagues at the Zanempilo Clinic, one of the many black community projects founded by the BCM to serve the community, on the 16th of August 1977 to brief them about the meeting.
He left his car with one of the drivers to create the impression that he was around town.
They used a car belonging to Black Community Programmes executive member, Rams Ramokgopa, who was in town from Johannesburg with Hlaku Rachidi and Tom Manthata to discuss the programme of the unity of the liberation groups of South Africa: it had been passed at a resolution at an earlier conference of the movement.
As a result of that meeting, Steve and Peter Jones had to leave for Cape Town. At midnight, the pair slipped away under the cover of darkness.
Peter Jones, or PC as he was known, was a fellow activist from King William’s Town. He was also Steve’s friend.
On the 17th of August, at around 10 AM, they arrived in Cape Town. They went to Jones’ home in Strand, a town outside Cape Town. Biko took a nap while Jones went out to see the people they were supposed to meet.
The people were not aware the pair were in town. There were no mobile phones or pagers around during those days. Public phones were the only means of communication.
Whenever phones were used, the exchanges had to be coded because most were tapped by the Security Police.
Therefore, Biko and Jones mainly had to show up at people’s doors to nullify the security risk and eliminate the potential of spies leaking information about their presence in Cape Town.
Jones made contact with Ronnie Crotz and they went to fetch Johnny Issel who was a leader of the hardliners of the BCM chapter in the Western Cape.
Issel was not at home. Jones left a message with his wife and informed her that Steve was around. Jones proceeded to drop Crotz back at his home and fetched Biko to meet with Alexander.
However, they had to link up with Fikile Bam who was an activist and later became a judge.
Bam, also known as Bra Fiks, had visited Biko at his home in Ginsberg in 1974 after spending a ten year spell on Robben Island and then was restricted to the Transkei.
He had requested Francis Wilson, his former colleague at the University of Cape Town, and now a friend of Biko to pull strings to get him out of Transkei and Biko facilitated the escape.
It was at that ensuing meeting that Biko asked Bams to initiate a meeting with Alexander. So now that meeting was due to happen and Biko and Jones would catch up with the BCM guys later. The meeting with Alexander was a priority.
They were supposed to link up with a guy called Armien Abrams who was a manager of a community based factory set up by the BCM in Cape Town.
It fell under Jones jurisdiction. Both men were always in touch and Abrams was the perfect man to play the go in between.
However, there was confusion if Jones had communicated that they were coming over with Biko. Jones insisted that he did; Abrams denied it.
Bam was staying at a mansion in the suburb of Crawford. It belonged to Ismail Mohomed who was a mathematics professor at UCT. Abrams had been assigned the task of looking after it while he was away.
On the way to the mansion, Jones stopped to make a call to inform them he was on his way with Biko. Jones dropped Biko off at the mansion to ensure Alexander’s house was secure.
However, on Jones’ arrival, Alexander refused to see Biko. Although Biko and Jones had driven eleven hours to meet him, he would not meet them for a few minutes.
Jones had no choice but to return with the bad news. Bam was furious. He called Alexander and informed him he was coming over but couldn’t get into details over the phone.
He left with Biko. They parked at the back of the house. Bam entered and left Biko in his Volkswagen Beetle. They argued for half an hour leaving Biko trapped and a sitting duck in the car.
Eventually, Bam stormed out without securing the vital meeting. Biko was disappointed. He had the highest regards of Alexander and had viewed him as a fearless revolutionary intellectual.
They returned back to the mansion where Jones and Abrams were. Biko insisted on returning immediately to King William’s Town because every minute they away the chances of been discovered increased.
In the early evening of the 17th of August, they hit the road and began the twelve hour journey back. They almost made it.
About an hour from home, the inevitable happened. Biko and Jones were stopped at a roadblock.
They were asked by the police to step out and open the boot. Jones attempted to open the boot but he couldn’t. The only person who could was Rams Ramokgopa and he was back at Zanempilo.
According to reports by Dr Xolela Mangcu and others, the car had been in an accident and there was a dent just above the left tail-light that caused the boot to jam.
Jones invited the cops to try but they also failed. Apparently, the cops were accusing Jones of been a terrorist who was on his way to see Steve Biko. Unbeknown to them, the man they were talking of was with them.
The senior officer – Colonel Alf Oosthuizen – gave orders to clear the roadblock and drive the two guys to the closest police station in Grahamstown.
The Colonel drove Rams’ car with Biko sitting beside him and Jones took a ride with the other officers.
At the police station the car was thoroughly searched. Not even the ashtray avoided close scrutiny. They found Jones’ wallet which had a few Rands and his identity document so they knew who he was.
To make the situation easy for Jones because Biko knew he would not talk on the basis of principle and would most likely be tortured to obtain the information, he admitted, “I am Bantu Steve Biko”.
The cops were shocked. It never crossed their mind that they were with the Biko they were talking about.
Biko and Jones were separated. Biko was taken to Walmer Police Station in Port Elizabeth while Jones was also taken to a prison in the same city, Algoa Police Station, but 250 km apart.
It was the last time the two friends would see each other.
Jones would spend a few years locked up. In less than a month, Steve Biko would be murdered and denied the unity that he cherished and pursued even when he knew that it could result in a lengthy prison sentence or cost him his life.
What was his motivation? Biko like most true revolutionaries like Thomas Sankara and Che Guevara was guided by great feelings of love. Love for his fellow men. Love for his society. Love for his country. Love for freedom.
It was this love that drove Biko to sacrifice all he had, career and family, for the ultimate price. His mission: The Quest of a True Humanity, which you can check out on Sister Nadine’s WordPress page: Iamgoodhope, encapsulates Biko’s ultimate goal.
He wanted to restore the true humanity of those who had been oppressed and exploited because of the colour of their skin, and also those who were damaged, and had lost their humanity through, actively or passively, supporting the apartheid system.
Biko’s has often been portrayed as the romantic and fearless leader but rarely is there a mention of how he had actively committed class suicide a theory pushed by Amilcar Cabral.
Biko sacrificed his career and any privileges his class and education would have entitled him so that he could work with the poor and underprivileged.
Those who supported apartheid were rewarded; those who opposed were stripped of their rights, their jobs, their voices, the right to earn and a whole lot of other rewards.
By dedicating his time and life to developing projects like the Zanempilo Clinic and other community based projects run under the banner of Black Community Programmes, Biko had bridged the gap between the intelligentsia and the majority which he had diagnosed as a hindrance to the liberation struggle and accurately pointed out, “The separation of the black intelligentsia from the rest of the black society is a disadvantage to black people as a whole”.
Biko illustrated in this short analysis that he was a visionary and he understood that to bridge this gap, the black intelligentsia had to commit class suicide and work with the rest of the black people.
The failure of the current regime to bridge this gap has resulted in the rise of the technocrats and the big chief or big man syndrome which has resulted in high levels of corruption and the blurring between private and public interests.
Even at this early age, Biko displayed a level of maturity that all of our post independence presidents have lacked.
His organisational abilities were exceptional: he created organisations that were not reliant on him but were able to operate through having different people changing leadership on a regular basis.
The murder of Biko left a gaping hole in the body politic of South Africa. The liberation movement lost the one man who had the ability to unify black people in solidarity.
The years of political violence between the black liberation movements in the eighties illustrates how Biko’s leadership was sorely missed.
It was as if he had recognised, long before, that the fragmentation of the resistance would one day become violent and he had sought to unify the movement before the violence erupted.
More than that, South Africa lost a fearless revolutionary intellectual who led by example, and who had a genuine liberation ideology – Black Consciousness – that sought to free the minds of the people.
That no other leader after Biko ever attempted to free the minds of the people, bears testament to the depth and greatness of Biko’s gift and style of leadership.
His greatest realisation was that “The most potent weapon of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed”.
And it was through the decolonising of the mind that the people would ultimately be set free as he argues in his essay Black Consciousness and the Quest for a True Humanity.
Biko understood that tyrants are not going to hand over power because they have sudden pangs of guilt but they will only do it when black people exert pressure on them and force them to concede power through internal or external agitation [or both].
Hence his message reminds us today that we must continually stand against oppression as he often reminded us that, “We must accept that the limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress”.
Biko’s words remind us that we are complicit in any situation where we find ourselves oppressed or exploited because most of us endure it sheepishly because we are too afraid to speak up and lose our rewards from the system.
Therefore, those who cherish freedom and liberation, like Biko and others who died in the liberation of South Africa, have to “overcome the personal fear for death”.
It is only when we are able to transcend the fear of death that we will find ourselves on the way.
It is not enough to be scholars of the Black Consciousness text, but we must embrace it’s spirit and live like Biko, following in his example and selfless sacrifice, and those other fearless revolutionary intellectuals who were prepared to commit class suicide and bridge the gap between the intelligentsia and the rest of the black people to move the goals of the struggle forward..
Introducing my first photography dedicated blog – the 4toconvert.
Feel free to like, comment, share, tell your friends and recommend it to your family, friends and followers. Look forward to interacting with you and exchanging ideas, constructive criticism and a lot more.
Originally posted on 4toconvert:
I am a lover of photography. I have loved photos from a very early age although I never had the opportunity to indulge in the craft because I didn’t have the luxury of owning a camera.
Thanks to digital photography and mobile phones, the craft has become more accessible to everyone and not just the professional photographer.
I have been taking photos for a few years now but I didn’t put so much thought into it. Don’t get me wrong, I have always taken great photos. I have published a number of photographs through some newspapers and via some charities. I guess I transferred some of my video production skills and knowledge to my photography.
There is very little difference between videos and photos because both involve storytelling through images. However, video has the advantage that it has moving images plus sound to do that much more.
I have recently started taking…
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I was thinking about you the other day,
thinking its years since I heard from you.
And maybe you had forgotten me
and moved on with your new lover and family.
Yesterday I logged into my old email account,
the one I hardly ever use,
intent on deleting every email in my inbox
My insides clammed up,
but I thought it was one of those junk emails
forwarded by scammers using your email address.
I opened it to be sure,
my hand trembling over the mouse.
But I was wrong. It was not junk.
The knot at the base of my belly untied itself.
A feeling of warmth erupted at its core,
and I felt warm fingers crawling over my limbs,
spreading across my body
and tugging the edges where my lips meet.
You didn’t say much in your email.
But you never did say a lot face to face,
and you never needed to say a lot
to put a smile on my face or make my day.
In fact, you were always the shy type.
And I can remember: your darting big,
beautiful brown eyes escaping my gaze
whenever I caught you by chance watching me,
and the stifled giggle and hand over your mouth
that betrayed your guilt.
When I looked at the date and time in your email,
I wondered if it was a mere coincidence:
the time I was thinking of you,
you were also thinking of me
and putting your thoughts into writing.
Amilcar Cabral‘s 37 quotes appear at the end of this article. Therefore, if you are familiar with his work and accomplishments, please feel free to skip this introduction to the legend. For the benefit of those who are unfamiliar with the life and work of Amilcar Cabral, I have put this intro together to contextualise his words and thoughts.
His full name was Amilcar Lopes da Costa Cabral. His nom de guerre was Abel Djassi. Some of the names sound Portuguese. That was the case. Cabral rose to prominence in the liberation struggle against Portugal’s colonisation of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde.
The people of Portuguese colonised Guinea took up arms to free their country from colonial domination in 1963 under the leadership of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde [PAIGC].
At the time Cabral was both the founder and the Secretary-General of the PAIGC, including the small group that formed the original core of the Party.
Cabral became aware and conscious of the wretched conditions his people were living in while working as an agricultural engineer for the government of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde Islands.
His job involved travelling around the country and meeting people. From 1952 – 54, Amilcar Cabral had visited every corner of his country, preparing an agricultural census for the colonial administration.
This gave him unprecedented contact with the people and provided him with the opportunity to understand the problems the people faced and an intimate knowledge of the local terrain.
The detailed knowledge he acquired of his people and their situation provided the basis for the PAIGC’s revolutionary strategy.
Guinea did not have the necessary elements on which revolutionary movements in Europe and Asia had based their respective revolutions.
They didn’t have a large proletariat. There was no developed working class. There was no large peasant class deprived of land ownership: colonial exploitation in Guinea was executed via price mechanism rather than by land ownership.
Therefore, a successful revolutionary struggle could not be based on any wholesale adoption of other revolutionary experiences or strategies.
They needed a strategy based on African conditions; more specifically, on conditions within Guinea and Cape Verde.
Cabral was central to the creation of these revolutionary elements, creating the theory and articulating it to Party members, locals and others outside the borders of Guinea and Cape Verde.
Cabral weighed up the revolutionary potential of each group within his society. Thus the PAIGC began its long, patient process of clandestine political preparation in 1959.
The gravity of Cabral’s political theory grew way out of proportion to the size of Guinea when compared to Africa and its influence on the liberation movements on the continent.
Cabral’s political and revolutionary analyses extended way beyond the borders of Guinea and Cape Verde.
The clear, down to earth terms in which the terms were articulated and were put to use influenced many revolutionary movements all over the world. This includes revolutionary movements in Europe and Asia.
His theory and political analysis illustrate the importance of the need to study one’s own concrete conditions and to make the revolution according to those particular conditions, rather than relying on the experience of others, as valuable as it may be.
In addition, his revolutionary strategy was centred around the mobilisation of the people around practical material issues rather than indulging in vainglorious theoretical and ideological ideals.
It is absurd therefore to find African revolutionary movements or revolutionaries who swear blindly that they are Marxists, Maoists, Leninist‘s, Sankarists, etc. or a blend of all the aforementioned schools of thought.
Cabral was deeply influenced by Marxism but he was not a Marxist. However, he became an inspiration to national liberation movements and revolutionary socialists worldwide.
This was partly due to his brilliant scholastic ability to reinvent a new ideological school of thought, that took the works of Lenin and Marx and made them relevant to the realities Africa was facing at that time.
Probably, his latter day equivalent was the late Captain Thomas Isidore Sankara.
Cabral’s legacy today is undisputed. He is revered as one of the greatest anti-colonial and anti-imperialist leaders of the twentieth century. He is remembered as a brilliant, devoted and fearless revolutionary.
He is acknowledged as the architect and mastermind behind the drive to liberate Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde from the inequity of Portuguese colonialism.
It is fitting though that today we keep the flame burning for one of Africa’s greatest revolutionary theorist, guerrilla fighters, an inspiring agitator, and an uncompromising internationalist.
We have a lot to learn from his methods and theory because the ideas set out in Revolution in Guinea transcend time and geographical boundaries or locations.
His ideas are probably more relevant to us Africans than Marxism is today because his ideas grew out of an analysis of the African situation and conditions in comparison to Marx whose analysis was based exclusively on Europe.
Amilcar Cabral’s legacy continues to inform the global struggle against imperialism and neo-colonialism while advocating for socialism.
His words, thoughts and ideas remain relevant in the struggle to eliminate oppression and exploitation and restoring humanity to all dehumanised people worldwide.
I have no intention of providing an in-depth analysis of this great visionary here today. That is the stuff for another day and article. In the meantime, enjoy his words, thoughts and ideas.
In conclusion, keep an eye open for the review of Revolution in Guinea by Amilcar Cabral coming soon.
Aluta Continua! Revolutionary Love!
The Greeks have spoken and defied the sceptics and scaremongers from the EU and reactionaries within their own ranks plus the IMF. The people of Greece rejected the European Bailout Terms.
The No Campaign scored a resounding victory. With 61% voting NO, the Yes campaign had the wind knocked out of its stomach.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French leader Francis Hollander have their work cut out and they can’t ignore the results of the referendum.
The resounding message from the mandate laid out by the Greeks has strengthened the hand of the Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras when he meets with the leaders of the EU and the IMF.
The EU is divided and the number of voices supporting Greece within the EU is also growing.
Thousands gathered outside Parliament on Monday, waving Greek flags and celebrating, holding up signs written OXI which means No!
History was written then. The Greeks pushed the ball back into the court of Greece’s international creditors.
It is now up to them to decide what to do but one thing is clear: their scaremongering and threats have not deterred the people of Greece from daring to dream and change the world.
One thing is certain: Greece decided to take its future into its own hands in a shocking result that astounded sceptics, pundits, reactionaries and international creditors.
It is a surprising result because the traditional major parties and the media; especially, private media and major businesses were in favour of austerity.
Their pro-austerity stance is shocking because austerity has never been proven to work.
Quite to the contrary, there is overwhelming evidence that austerity does not work. It only works for the rich people and the corporations but not the average person or the middle class.
There are numerous examples that austerity doesn’t work. For example, during the Great Depression, President Roosevelt initiated policies to put people back to work and pump money back into the economy; that worked.
Iceland is a recent example of a country that refused to pay its debts: it invested money in programs to put people back to work. They also put on trial some of the bankers that caused the problems.
This not only boosted the morale and confidence of the people but it also turned around their economic fortunes.
There are numerous examples in South America that prove austerity is a rich man’s bluff and doesn’t work. Austerity is nothing but a class war masquerading as a measure of good and sound governance. In reality, it is like a bomb made of paper, that silently devastates whole communities and nations. It’s impact and after-effects will be felt decades after it first hit just like the bombs dropped in Hiroshima are still affecting people today.
Business tends to be very reactive in situations like this. It ignores the fact that austerity serves nobody’s interest in the long term because the middle class is the market.
If the middle class declines business will pay the ultimate price. They won’t have any business in the long run to buy their products.
The message by the people of Greece to stand up strengthened their prime minister’s position because he was appearing to be very vulnerable.
This has rejuvenated his negotiating power because he is backed by the mandate handed to him by the nation.
Tsipras and the people of Greece are in a difficult situation. They are been held hostage and issued with threats to honour debts they had nothing to do with. They are been blamed for a situation they never created.
All the blame rests on the financial community and traditional political parties that encouraged Greece to go down the austerity route.
This route has not paid any dividends and it has hurt the Greek economy, the middle class and those who are worse off at the bottom end of the economic and social ladder.
Those people who were been blamed for the mistakes made by their leaders who were in cahoots with big banks and international monetary corporations illustrated that the power in any nation lies with the poor people and the middle class. They are the true revolutionary force in any society.
If the people stand united, international creditors, IMF and business cannot force them to act against their own interests regardless of the scaremongering and threats.
They cannot be terrorised to tow the line and burden themselves with unnecessary debt which will reduce them to slaves.
There is little doubt that Greece like many other countries was targeted by the economic hitmen and presented with fancy financial set-ups to take on debts that would hurt their economy.
These debts were never received by the people of Greece but now they are being asked to foot a tab they never ran up which is absurd.
This is how these financial creditors work. They lend countries money but the middle class and the average person never physically see that money.
The financial creditors use the money which goes back to their corporations to enrich themselves, but leave the middle class and the poor with debts that will take generations to pay off if that is even possible.
This video below briefly explains how the game is played and it is worth taking two minutes to watch this short animated clip.
The insistence by the financial creditors for Greece to adopt policies dictated by them to enable them to pay the debt makes a mockery of democracy.
This obligation removes the people’s duty to make their own decisions because they are forced to do as the creditor’s demand because that puts the corporations in charge.
True democracy was illustrated in the decision made by the people; i.e. refusing the terms of the bailout tabled by the EU.
It is a different scenario from the African “democratic” model which is an illusion because the people in Africa have no say in how their counties are run because the countries are actually run by the IMF.
The IMF determines where their money is going to spend, how much is going to spent on social welfare, how much will be spent on maintaining or building infrastructure, etc. No one group in Africa has more say on spending than the IMF does.
In fact, debt is used as a tool to control Africa and keep it underdeveloped.
If Greece are kicked out of the EU, it might hurt in the short term. However, the benefits long term are beneficial. It puts them back in charge of their destiny.
They can focus on building up the middle class, sorting out employment issues to generate a disposable income for the average person which is the lifeline of a viable economy.
What does this result mean for countries in the same boat?
They can learn that it is not impossible to stand up to the financial creditors and say no to austerity because it does not develop an economy. Africa in particular can take a leaf out of the Greek’s strategy.
Countries can take their destiny back into their own hands and decide which route works best for them. It might not be easy but it is possible because there is hope in despair.
Other countries and movements in similar circumstances will be watching to see what lessons can be learnt from the Greek decision.
A nation united in the face of enormous challenges can overcome all the scaremongering, threats and propaganda thrown at them to act against their own interests.
You can dare to dream and change the world.
Africa can learn that new and younger leadership is well equipped to face the challenges brought on by an ever changing world.
The new guard is the antidote to the old order. They are prepared to take risks and challenge the old order.
Youthful leaders are the real revolutionaries and they have the right spirit and mentality to face the challenges their generation is faced with.
The old guard tends to be more conservative to protect their entrenched positions and the status quo hence their pay lip service to socialism while lapping up the trappings of capitalism.
I think the result from Greece illustrates that the middle class and the average person are the real revolutionary forces in any society, and united they can charter a truly revolutionary path. One cannot do without the other.
They are the real power brokers in society but they are unaware of the power they yield. They let a small unholy trinity or cabal of politicians and corporations control them like a circus elephant is controlled by a string.
If the people said enough is enough, they would end the circus, pull the whole charade down, trample the circus underfoot and run that political cabal out of town before sundown.
In conclusion, if the vanguard party acts with clarity and trusts the people and communicates clearly to the people, the people will support it in all its endeavours.
There is still a lot more to learn from Greece because they still have a lot of challenges to overcome.
One thing is certain: they have made history and they will be remembered by generations to come.
Their decision will become a case study that will be referenced by scholars, intellectuals and many others for years to come.
A friend I was chatting to earlier said, “The big issue domestically is actually not the EU but what Alexis is going to do about capital controls”. That is the biggest challenge for the Greeks right now. But there is no doubt that they are an inspiration to all the small movements out there fighting the big boys for their dignity and make this world a more humane place for everyone. They can see that you can take the big boys on and win.
I came across the words from Napoleon Hill below and they inspired me to piece this article together.
“The most interesting thing about a postage stamp is the persistence with which it sticks to its job.” – Napoleon Hill
Think about it. If we are all persistent to our goals and jobs in life like the postage stamp is, we can achieve every single goal or task we start.
Sometimes we fail because we are not persistent enough. We give up long before the end is in sight because we get bored.
We get tired. We lose interest or we simply don’t have the willpower to see what we are doing to the end.
We get demotivated because the end is sometimes harder than the start and we just don’t have the mettle to keep going.
How many times have you started a project with great enthusiasm and dropped it the minute it got that bit harder? We can all start projects with gusto.
However, it takes a pretty determined and persistent person to see it through to its logical end.
In many cases, that is the difference between success and failure: who can finish what they start and who can’t.
But we can all learn from the humble postage stamp and be as persistent as it is, having one focus, getting the job done.
Sometimes we have to be blind to be successful. That means we have to close our eyes to all the distractions that catch our eyes and beckon us to abandon what we are doing or pursuing.
Whenever you are pursuing your dreams, your goals, your career, etc. and you find the going tough, just think of the postage stamp.
Be a postage stamp my friend. Stick to your job, be persistent at it, and run the full course of whatever it is you are pursuing.
Sometimes, I write poetry that I never get to share. I was a poet before I was a blogger.
I wrote poetry that was published in a few anthologies. I even put together a collection of poetry I was keen on publishing but looking back today, a lot of it makes me cringe.
I performed on the London Spoken Word Scene for a few years before I went to university to study writing or find inspiration for a novel.
Between then and now, I have written less and less poetry although it was poetry that got me going for years when I had no outlet for my ideas or I was struggling with prose.
I think part of it has to do with the academic approach to writing poetry which I found too scientific and akin to skinning and dissecting corpses.
It put me off writing poetry for a while. By the time I was through with my studies, the poetry that had once bubbled effervescently from my mind was a dry well.
However, that period of dissecting corpses did throw up some interesting projects that I worked on for my poetry modules.
I recently came across some spoken word poetry I created for one of my modules as I was clearing my computer because the start disk was too full.
I thought I would share it with you guys. The picture quality is not that great but the sound is cool. It is not very original but I had fun putting it together.
It was inspired by This Poem I heard been read by Mutabaruka at Def Poetry on Youtube or you can watch it below. Enjoy.